Greeks Bearing Gifts

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HCM

This essay is excerpted from the most recent version of the HCM Market Letter.  To subscribe directly to this publication, please go here.

“There is a more elemental way of regarding Post-Modernism, however, and that is in terms of climax inflation not only of wealth, but of people, ideas, methods, and expectations – the increasing power and pervasiveness of the communications industry, the reckless growth of the academy, the incessant changing hands and intrinsic devaluation of all received ideas.  The Post-Modern era represents only the last phase in a century of inflation – when it becomes structurally permanent in the longest sustained economic rocket ride since the industrial revolution, arguably the most explosive period of sustained growth in human history.

“The effects are by now clear even to the most literary mind.  Chronic excess demand fosters irrational consumption; all goods, intellectual as well as material, become nondurable, buying and selling take precedence over production and investment.  Rather than a genuinely productive wealth, a patrimony which can be passed on, chronic inflation increasingly produces only hedges against inflation and distortions of the market, which is to say, it fosters cultural incoherence of the most destructive sort.  As inflation affects members of the community unequally, alienation is intensified, consensus unravels, the trade unionist mentality permeates all levels of society, the social order becomes a war of group against group for decreasing shares of the national income, and the skepticism of all forms of governance intensifies.  Power flows to those institutions which can take on the highest debt.”

Charles Newman (1985)1

Goldman Sachs tempts the fates

When Lloyd Blankfein boasted several months ago that Goldman Sachs was doing “God’s work,” he neglected to mention that he was speaking about the Greek Gods.  For it now turns out that Greece was able to conceal its deteriorating financial condition with the able assistance of Goldman Sachs’ financial wizards, who arranged a dozen off-balance sheet currency swaps between 1998 and 2001. These swaps allowed Greece to convert Japanese yen and U.S. dollars into Euros at artificially favorable rates that allowed Greece to understate its external debt by more than €2 billion, according to The Wall Street Journal. Ironically, the benefits of fudging its true indebtedness were relatively minor, reducing Greece’s debt as a percentage of GDP from 105.3 percent to 103.7 percent, and reducing its 2001 deficit by a mere 1/10 of one percent.  Of course, when a country’s debt exceeds 100 percent of its GDP, its finances are already in a parlous state, so Greece was trying to push water uphill in any event.  Then again, with God on its side, Greece probably figured that Goldman would teach it how to walk on water.

After disclosure of its work with the descendants of Achilles, Goldman Sachs entered damage control mode and dispatched the highly respected Gerald Corrigan, a former President of the Federal Reserve Bank of New York and Chairman of Goldman Sachs Bank USA, to tell a UK parliamentary committee that “with the benefit of hindsight…the standards of transparency could have been and probably should have been higher.”  This occurred just a couple of days before The New York Times revealed, in a front page article that should have surprised nobody, that Goldman Sachs and other Wall Street firms that had helped Greece conceal its debts were now seeking to profit from Greece’s deteriorating finances through trades in credit default swaps.  As The New York Times phrased it, “[t]hese contracts, known as credit-default swaps, effectively let banks and hedge funds wager on the financial equivalent of a four-alarm fire: a default by a company or, in the case of Greece, an entire country.  If Greece reneges on its debts, traders who own these swaps stand to profit.”2  The paper of record failed to add that Greece need not default on its debt to render these trades profitable; a mere deterioration in Greece’s credit standing (either actual or in the perception of the market) would lead to a widening in Greece’s credit spreads and allow traders to close out these trades at a profit.3 

Of course, it must be presumed that some of these swaps are being used to hedge existing holdings of Greek sovereign debt.  But as has long been the case in the credit default swap market, a significant amount of these trades are undoubtedly “naked” swaps in which speculators are not hedging existing positions but are merely trying to profit from Greece’s troubles.  The piling on of these trades raises Greece’s borrowing costs and makes it far more difficult for Greece to refinance its debts.  In short, these trading strategies are highly destabilizing to the financial system.  This is precisely the scenario that unfolded in 2008 with respect to Bear Stearns and Lehman Brothers, which were effectively driven out of business, initially by their own reckless management and ultimately by the ability of credit default swap traders to drive their financing rates to unsustainable levels.  Ironically, that same phenomenon also pushed Goldman Sachs (as well as Morgan Stanley) to the brink until former Goldman Sachs Chairman and then Secretary of the Treasury Hank Paulson and Federal Reserve Chairman Ben Bernanke were able to cobble together a rescue plan that included granting these firms banking licenses.

In recent Congressional testimony, Lloyd Blankfein defended his firm’s trading practices with the argument that Goldman was merely providing sophisticated customers with the types of products that they demanded.  In that case, he was speaking about the firm’s shorting of subprime credit at the same time that it was selling Collateralized Mortgage Obligations stuffed with subprime loans.  Goldman was savvy enough to realize that the products it was selling were going to decline in value and was able to profit by buying insurance (in the form of credit default swaps) on those products.  In the case of Greece, the firm appears to be doing something very similar, although the work it did to help Greece conceal its debts dates back several years. 

The point Mr. Blankfein might want to consider, however, is whether Goldman wants to be perceived as continuing to profit from the fires it is setting throughout the financial world.  As the smartest guy in the room, Goldman cannot claim it didn’t understand the potential consequences of its work on behalf of the government of Greece.  And it certainly cannot claim ignorance of the destabilizing effects that its current trading strategies are causing.  There is a plethora of ways to earn a profit in the financial world, as Goldman knows better than any other firm in existence; that doesn’t mean the firm has to take advantage of every one of them. 

The Greek Gods had a funny way of exacting their revenge on those who tempted the Fates.  At some point, Goldman’s hubris is going to catch up with the firm if it doesn’t begin to consider that how it generates profits is just as important as how much profit it generates.

The fallacy of the periphery

Whatever the outcome of the Greek economic drama, the fact that a relatively small country can cause the global financial markets to sell-off so sharply illustrates how interlinked the global markets remain in today’s globalized world.  Years of short-sighted fiscal and monetary policy have trapped Western economies in a boom and bust cycle from which there is no easy escape.  As a result, global markets remain highly vulnerable to instabilities at their periphery.  Greece in a case in point, but it is only a symptom of the deeper disease ailing the global financial system.  That disease is the severe weakening of sovereign balance sheets.

For in an interconnected world, there is no such thing as a periphery.  The system is only as strong as its weakest link.  A Greek default would cause financial turmoil because as much as €250 or €300 billion of Greek debt is owned by international bond funds, pension funds, insurance companies and banks.  All of these institutions – banks in particular – are undercapitalized and would be further impaired if Greece defaulted.  American banks have $176 billion of exposure to Greece, according to Barclays Capital.  There will be considerable behind-the-scenes pressure brought to bear to prevent a default.

Greece plans to reduce its fiscal deficit from roughly 13 percent to 3 percent of GDP by 2013.  Whether or not this plan is achievable, it illustrates the degree of austerity that will be required to bring not only Greece’s but other sovereign balance sheets into balance, including those of Spain, Portugal, Italy, the UK and the United States.  The prospects for success are minimal without radical changes in entitlements and reductions in these countries’ already fraying safety nets.  Moreover, the impact of efforts to reduce government spending inevitably will be deflationary; there is virtually no way that the withdrawal of almost 10 percent of GDP (which represented the government contribution to economic growth in many countries in 2009) can prove to be anything other than a deflationary shock to these economic systems.  There is no way that private-sector demand can compensate for the withdrawal of government stimulus on such a massive scale.

The pain in Spain

For other EU countries, Greece’s problems are an ominous sign of what the future could hold if their leaders do not take action to rein in deficits and stimulate employment.  Spain is a case in point. Some observers, such as Nobel Prize winning economist Paul Krugman, are suggesting that Spain, not Greece, is the real epicenter of Europe’s economic crisis.  Mr. Krugman may be a bit premature in his warning, but Spain’s leaders do not have the luxury of time in dealing with their country’s economic woes.  With a 2009 budget deficit that reached 11.4 percent of GDP, and a January 2010 unemployment rate of 18.8 percent (twice the European average), Spain’s economy is in desperate straits. 

Finance Minister Elena Salgado argues that the country’s debt-to-GDP ratio remains 20 percentage points below the Eurozone average (although this may be likened to the adage that “In the kingdom of the blind, the one-eyed man is king.”).  According to the government, Spain’s debt remains (for the moment) under 50 percent of GDP, well below the EU limit of 60 percent.  Others place the figure much higher. The Bank Credit Analyst recently wrote that the public debt-to-GDP ratio is at 60 percent while Bridgewater Associates, which treats its research like national security secrets, recently wrote that “Spain owes the world about 80% of its GDP.”  Whatever the actual figure, it appears that the Spanish government recognizes the severity of the situation and has begun taking steps to attack the fiscal challenge.  Recently, it announced an austerity plan that increases the retirement age from 65 to 67 (a move every other Western country will have to make sooner or later) and cut €50 million from the budget by 2013, which will reduce the deficit to an EU-mandated 3 percent.

The Spanish government will have to stand up to strong resistance from unions and other political factions that have traditionally rendered it very difficult to make responsible, long-term decisions about economic matters (which are how matters were able to become so grim).  Bridgewater noted, correctly we think, that Spanish sovereign credit trades much tighter than it should at a spread of +140 basis points.  Bridgewater believes that the appropriate level is much closer to +650 basis points, suggesting that the highly secretive firm is currently shorting Spanish sovereign credit.  Such a trade certainly makes sense (leaving aside the ethical questions raised above, which wouldn’t apply to Bridgewater as they do to Goldman Sachs since to HCM’s knowledge Bridgewater is not in the business of advising governments on how to structure their balance sheets) since a spread of 140 basis points offers a paltry return for the risks involved in lending to such a deeply troubled country at this point in time.


1 Charles Newman, The Post-Modern Aura: The Age of Fiction in an Age of Inflation (Evanston: Northwestern University Press, 1985), pp. 6-7.

2 The New York Times, February 25, 2010, “Banks Bet Greece Defaults on Debt They Helped Hide,” p. A1.

3 There was further potentially embarrassing disclosure in Business Week that Goldman Sachs may have failed to disclose the currency swaps it had arranged for Greece in the sale of $15 billion of Greek bonds it underwrote subsequent to 2002.  According to Business Week, “[n]o mention was made of the Greek currency swap in sales  documents for the bond offerings in at least 6 of the 10 sales the bank arranged for since the 2002 currency transaction.”  Business Week, March 1, 2010, “Goldman Stars in This Greek Tragedy,” p. 30.  Goldman should be hoping that European politicians and regulators will be more forgiving than the Greek Gods.